Editorial Board| Jerusalem News Agency

“Deplores and condemns,” this is Jordan’s repeated position in the face of any military, security, or political development in Jerusalem. Moreover, the positions produced by the recent “March of the Flags” at the levels of the Hashemite Custodianship and the factions in general do not cure the Palestinians’ grief. The state of “commotion” that prevailed in the streets and social networking sites expresses popular discontent with Jordan’s unjustified “fear” of raising the ceiling in exchange for the occupation. The scene is becoming more fragile because of these two parties’ major role in Jerusalem.


In this article, we look at the role of Jordanian custodianship in Jerusalem and how to exercise it in light of the escalation the city is witnessing.


Jordan...an ally
Whatever the form of the political system in Jordan and its international plans, the Kingdom remains a prominent place in Israeli “security” calculations. This is due to the state’s long borders with occupied Palestine, which constitutes a buffer zone, in addition to its custodianship over the holy places in Jerusalem. Therefore, it is in the “Israeli” interest for Jordan to be strong because of the “protection” it constitutes, and this is what the former Israeli Prime Minister expresses. Benjamin Netanyahu in his book “A Place Among the Nations”: “Any collapse or weakness of the Jordanian regime could lead to a change in Israel’s strategic position overnight.”
When understanding the relationship between “Israel” and Jordan in this way, it is possible to infer the latter’s positions with every escalation. This “harmony” between the two parties appears clearly in the internal policy of the entity, which sees Jordan as an “ally” and not an enemy. Rather, it is the most important and staunch ally in the so-called “Middle East.” This also appears through “strategic” and intelligence cooperation to maintain the borders. As for the calm, it is enhanced by Israel’s view of Jordan as it does not have great military capabilities or a reliable army. In return, Jordan and Israel find their strength to help the Jordanian regime in the face of any strategic threat, as Israel, along with the United States of America, played a major role in preserving and protecting this regime. An alliance “is evident in the facilities provided by the Jordanian side in Al-Aqsa Mosque by raising the rubble in front of the Israeli ‘encroachment’, and hidden security coordination, as happened to calm those in seclusion last Ramadan, in addition to reducing and restricting the guards’ practice of their activities within an undeclared recognition of Israeli sovereignty, as it appears that Jordan is afraid of tampering with its custodianship over the holy places, so it is trying to exercise it, even in a formal manner, especially after the “Deal of the Century,” which did not mention the term Jordanian custodianship.
Regarding some of the disputes and discrepancies between the two parties, the most recent of which was the escalation of the political clash between Jordan and the government of Naftali Bennett over sovereignty over Jerusalem, and the latter’s statements last May that “Israel” is the one who makes the decisions related to Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa, it is nothing more than media consumption to satisfy Public opinion dissatisfied with Jordan's poor performance.


Jordan shackles the factions
What is striking and repeated is that with every escalation in Jerusalem, which varies from Israeli settlement attacks, to continuous incursions by settlers, the closure of Al-Aqsa Mosque and the prevention of prayer in it, and excavation work under the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, all the way to plans seeking to divide it temporally and spatially, are Jordan’s official expressions of condemnation and denunciation. The necessity of respecting the “historical and legal situation” and the “peace” treaty that grants “each party the freedom to enter places of religious and historical importance.” Israel respects the current special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem, and when final status negotiations are held, Israel will give great priority to the historical Jordanian role in these places. “Knowing that two years after signing this treaty, Israel committed the second Al-Aqsa massacre, and former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stormed Al-Aqsa Mosque, and the project of dividing places between Muslims and Jews continued. Despite all these escalations, Jordan did not play a deterrent role. Rather, it was the popular uprisings that governed and restricted practices and postponed Israeli plans. Whenever an intifada erupts, Jordan plays the role of a spectator and neutral. Rather, it sometimes tries, through its tools represented by the Islamic Endowment in Jerusalem, to circumvent the awareness of the angry masses. As happened in the battle of the electronic gates and the opening of the door of mercy.
If we link popular uprisings and movements to factions, we are facing a dangerous turning point. The ebb and flow of the Jordanian-Israeli relationship confuses the Palestinian factions in the occupied territories, including Jerusalem. Despite the success of the military escalation in “Saif al-Quds” in establishing a military balance and new rules in the military field, the political movement of the Palestinian factions and resistance is distorted regarding the Jordanian position in Jerusalem. Indeed, these factions do not mention the Jordanian regime in any phrase or even a hint of Jordanian negligence in defense. About Al-Aqsa Mosque; This was initially due to a kind of historical embarrassment due to the clash with Jordan, which is considered the only outlet for the Palestinians to move and travel, and many other reasons that cannot be justified.