Nevin Abu Rahmoun| Activist and academic researcher for the Beit Al-Quds News Agency

The right-wing Israeli political parties have dominated the Israeli political scene in recent years, and the most important thing that unites them is the project to stabilize and deepen settlement and occupation, in addition to the dangerous plan of creeping annexation in Area C, in addition to the policies of completely tightening control in Jerusalem and Judaizing it.

In turn, the Bennett-Shaked government resulted in the approval of thousands of settlement units, which were part of the political program that the two put forward since they entered the political arena, in addition to what we have recently witnessed in changing the so-called “status quo” in Jerusalem, as this government supported the incursions into Al-Aqsa in an attempt to change that. To a tradition carried out by the settlers in imposing a new reality, and this was clearly evident in the names used by the settlers and the Israeli media, as they called these incursions “Hajj visits,” indicating that all of this happens as a result of the occupation’s provisions of control over Jerusalem, its sanctities, and its gates.

In light of the seriousness of the political proposal presented by the last government, it is important to point out that the unified list’s entry into the coalition in an attempt to adapt the Palestinian parliamentary work as if it were within a normal context in this scene, is a political and strategic mistake, and the unified list failed to do so, and I believe, this also affected the The product of political performance that accompanied parliamentary work for many years. However, it is clear that this stage has ended and will not be repeated. What was achieved in terms of recognition of the Jewish state was the most important gain of the Israeli government from an Arab political organization that had never occurred in this form before, despite the entire composition of the government, which was based primarily on policies of incitement, demolition, and political persecution.

But it is also important to note that the Joint Commission may have failed to define a comprehensive, opposing political project based on solid, long-term foundations, and not limit its work entirely to protest responses, despite the importance of that. However, Israeli policy has undergone fundamental and structural changes that cannot be dealt with politically within the same templates that existed in previous years.

In returning to square one in the upcoming elections, the scenario of forming a government headed by Netanyahu can be read clearly, but the most important thing is to raise the question of the implications and repercussions of this on what will happen in Jerusalem specifically.

Jerusalem has become the most striking issue in the Israeli political scene. Israeli politicians are racing to consolidate their public standing according to inflammatory political statements and behavior calling for strengthening settlement, Judaizing Jerusalem, and normalizing the situation with the Al-Aqsa raids, which would impose Israeli control in exchange for temporary understandings about joint sovereignty, which constitutes A real threat to Palestinian sovereignty.

On the other hand, the absence of a complete national liberation project that protects Jerusalem due to its status has yielded an easy path that no longer hinders the raids on Jerusalem, nor the attacks that occurred on Holy Saturday, nor the prevention of celebrants from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, nor the policies restricting the Old City. Rather, more than that, it is a blow to the local Jerusalemite economy, which is considered one of the foundations of Daily resistance in the Jerusalem scene.

The popular resistance present daily in Jerusalem constitutes an important self-immunity against the occupation policies. However, the most important thing that can be worked on in this matter is how our political performance will be in the coming period and the importance of studying the transformation of the Israeli political performance and the occupation policies resulting from the changes in the Knesset and the government. All of these questions require in-depth answers that result in daily popular action, foremost of which is the attempts to seize and control Al-Aqsa and its surroundings.